On the curve of this night and the next day, the world passes from the year of the Ukraine war to the year of broader stimulus in 2023 and beyond. Destinies are suspended, the fields of supposed clashes are widening, and cold wars are drawing maps that are candidates for hot explosions.
At the point of the Ukrainian eruption, the end does not seem close, nor are the peace negotiations on the table. The global nature of the clash with fire has developed in the Ukrainian arena, and the duel has become more borderline between Moscow and Washington, and has reached formulas threatening a “decapitation” blow from circles in the Pentagon, which Russia understood. As American plans to assassinate President Vladimir Putin, Moscow responded that the two countries’ relations are close to the brink of zero, and announced changes in its military doctrine, expanding in cases of the first resort to the use of nuclear weapons, with an emphasis on entering the “Avangard”, “Bulava” and “Sarmat” missiles. To service in large numbers, which are described in the West as “Satan” and “Doomsday” missiles, all of which exceed the speed of sound dozens of times, and any launch of them destroys “unfriendly countries” in Russian expression in half an hour, and Russia has, as is known, the largest nuclear arsenal In the world. Over the past ten months since the start of the war, Putin has always resorted to the tactic of waving the nuclear brink, and on the basis of the theory of his ally, the Russian nationalist philosopher Alexander Dugin, and his saying that there is no meaning to the world without a great Russia, even if Putin is politically responsible, he does not say explicitly because he will launch a nuclear war, knowing that all parties in it are losers along with the others, because the world has a stockpile of nuclear weapons, enough to destroy the world 14 times Lead Line Door
Under the ceiling of an unlikely nuclear war, the conventional arms race doubled, and Washington increased its military budget to 850 billion dollars annually, while Moscow decided to double its war spending for 2023, and its weapons factories ran at maximum capacity, and Putin said that he was preparing for a prolonged war in Ukraine, which might develop. It contains his declared goals, and goes beyond his decision to annex the four provinces in eastern and southern Ukraine, moving from the stage of depleting stocks of old Soviet weapons, introducing the newest and most advanced weapons, and pledging to destroy the “Patriot” missile systems, which Washington recently decided to give to the the Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who coincides with “Difficult and bitter” days and battles, as he described it. The Russians do not fight in the manner of “shock and awe”, advancing meter by meter, and do not appear to be in a hurry and move slowly, in raids to destroy Ukraine’s military and civilian infrastructure, after which they may resort to a stormy attack within Winter or at its end. They rely in parallel on the tactics of draining the economy of the West and exhausted Europe in particular, after the announced financial costs of supporting Ukraine from the Americans and Europeans amounted to what it exceeded $120 billion to date, then doubled Western burdens and costs, after decisions to cap Russian gas and oil prices, in addition to the growth of alternative markets for Russian energy resources.
Mr. Putin shocked Western circles by announcing his ministers to reduce oil production, which ignites prices in the market, with his ban on exporting Russian oil to the G7 countries, the European Union and Australia, while giving the Russian president an opportunity to maneuver, and rights to exclude those who want in time of need, and prepare the Russian economy to bear the consequences of 12 thousand types of Western sanctions, and strengthen the alliance with China, and the development of manifestations and essences of the work of the Chinese-Russian pole is growing the influence, from the heart of Europe to the Pacific Ocean and the North and South poles, and the pursuit of Western American hegemony in the worlds of Asia, Africa and Latin America, and the Europeans’ cries intensified from America’s exploitation of their conditions, the astronomical exaggeration in alternative energy prices for Russian resources, and the diminishing confidence of America’s Atlantic allies and others in Washington’s ability to ensure their protection and strategic security. And in the course of the drama of changing the world, and the steady shift from the stage of the sole ruling American pole, to the world of multipolarity, the “cunning of history” appears clearly present, as it often happens in the lives of individuals, groups, states, and even the international system, that one party imagines that it is going to build a palace, so if with it, it suddenly discovers that it went to dig the grave of the end, not the palace of eternity, and the example is suitable to illuminate the situation of the US today, as it behaves ferociously with the “sweetness of the spirit” of bulls at the time of slaughter, and strikes randomly, perhaps in response to an instinctive fear of losing its control over the throne of the world, in terms of economy, weapons and technology. It is true that it qualifies to remain as a superpower among the many in the creeping world with its new balances, but it will certainly not remain a “superpower” by a thousand and one definitions, and it will not be the first among the many powerful old and new, and its allies and followers since the end of the second “world” war are no longer in a state of reassurance.
For a lasting peace imposed by the US power, and the examples are apparent, starting with Europe, the closest ally. France continues its protest, and perhaps its rebellion, against the guarantees of the US defensive umbrella, and seeks a European defensive umbrella, and Germany, which has the heaviest weight in the economy, is looking forward to getting rid of the measures that an American policy imposed on it after the defeat of Nazism, which was preventing it from amplifying its army and military strength. It’s leadership decided to allocate 120 billion euros annually to modernize its army, with a remarkable growth of Nazism and the restoration of the glory of the “Fourth Reich” among the German public, and Japan on the other side of the world, continues the process of loosening restrictions on its military armament, which was imposed by the constitution of US General MacArthur, after the crushing of Tokyo and the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki with American atomic bombs. Moreover the liberation of Japan and Germany from contracts of “military castration”, is welcomed today by Washington, despite its blatant significance in breaching and overthrowing the arrangements of the international system that America formulated, and Washington’s acceptance of retreating from what was, seems an eloquent expression of its inability to protect allies and followers on its own. It is believed that the increase in their strength is in its favor temporarily, but the essence of what is happening in what we think is that the return of the German and Japanese military dress, and what it is accompanied by the return of the national spirit in the two countries after a long hiatus, redrawing the boundaries of the differentiation of interests, as the German leadership went to in disobeying American orders, with the need to blockade the largest Chinese competitor, and Berlin’s preference for expansion in it’s economic relations with Beijing, in exchange for Washington’s keenness to impose additional customs on imports of Chinese products.
In addition to its ban on the activity of major Chinese technology companies, and pressure on allies and large and small followers to cut off communication with China, which has become the first factory in the world, and has the largest trade surpluses with most regions of the world, including America itself, which feeds tendencies of anxiety and division of obedience to America in the four corners of the world. What pushes Washington to ignite fires and hotbeds of war tension, as happened and is happening in the Kosovo clash with Serbia, and in East Asia around the issue of Taiwan, which China insists to restore it at the appropriate moment, and continue to show its strength on its shores and in its airspace, and double the pace of its joint military maneuvers with Russia, and relax the rope for North Korea in nuclear and missile tests, and protect “Pyongyang’s” activity with the guarantees of the Chinese and Russian “veto” in the UN Security Council. To the extent that North Korea launched a military drone recently in the sky of the southern capital, Seoul, without the US-backed South Korean defenses being able to shoot down the invading drones which prompted the Ministry of Defense in South Korea to present an apology to its people for the incident, which suggests to America’s allies in the Pacific Ocean and around the East and South China Seas that there is no longer an American capital against danger, and that the wars that Washington hastened are not guaranteed results in its favor, and that going to hasty military wars with China may dig the graves of the ends for economies that are mainly interested in commercial interests. One may discover that building bridges with China is safer and less expensive, and something of that is happening in our closest regional scope, and it may not be right to ignore the harbingers of an incoming war that threatens Washington and Tel Aviv against Iran, after the setback in the negotiations to renew the Iranian nuclear deal. This is especially after the return of Benjamin Netanyahu with a government that is the most extreme and aggressive, and his plan to drag Arab parties into a war with Tehran, and the likely possibilities of bloodier explosions on the Palestinian front, in a new year burdened with reasons for motivation on a global scale as a whole.
Defence Drone policies in India
Amer Ababakr holds Ph.D. degree, Cyprus International University. His major is in Politics in the Middle East. His fields of interests include international relations, international security, foreign policy, and ethnic conflict.
Defence Drone policies in India
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The rise of drones has led to a significant increase in the number of these aircraft within the Services. They are capable of carrying out surveillance and even carrying out punitive actions. Despite being regarded as the slowest in the world when it comes to changing, the armed forces are constantly adapting to new technologies. One of these is drone warfare. It was expected that the IAF would lead the transformation of the drone industry. However, instead, it is the Army that is looking into buying more UAVs to meet its operational requirements. The Army is interested in various types of drones, such as those used for surveillance, long-range systems, and kamikaze attacks. They also have a variety of logistics drones.
Due to the increasing number of drones being used in warfare, various regulations related to the use of these aircraft have been changed. Some of these include the COMSEC, TRANSEC and Electronic Warfare policies. Modern Air Defense systems are designed to accommodate the hunting capabilities of drones. The development of artificial intelligence (AI) on the edge has led to the emergence of new drone technologies. These new capabilities have raised the bar for drone warfare. Although anti-UAV systems are already in their development stages, they are still years away from being able to effectively combat these aircraft. The government’s indigenization push has led to the right trajectory for the country’s future warfare. However, the journey is not yet easy. The manufacturing industry of drone components will be key to success.
Rise of India’s Drone Industry
For over two decades now, the Indian Armed Forces have been operating foreign-made drones. The country’s drone industry has been working on developing indigenous aircraft that can be used to meet the requirements of the armed forces. Although the requirements for ruggedized ground controllers and aircraft airframes have been addressed by the industry, the Defense Department is still focused on developing indigenous solutions. One of these is the drone Flight Controller, which is designed to meet the standards of the Military Intelligence (MIL).
In order to ensure that their drones are secure, the indigenous drone suppliers have to regularly update their hardware and software. They also need to perform cybersecurity tests to identify potential security issues. The certification of embedded systems for drones should be done in order to make the Indian industry more competitive. The need to ensure that the drone components used in India are made in the country is a well-established fact. This is because the lack of local supply of cost-effective alternatives to Chinese components has been a major challenge for the manufacturers of drones. The government’s decision to promote the drone industry can be regarded as a step toward establishing an indigenous warfare strategy.
An airborne drone is a type of unmanned aircraft that doesn’t require a pilot to operate. It is also referred to as an UAV. Currently, the development of completely independent drones is still in its final stages. In India, drones are being used in various fields such as defense, commercial, and recreational. The drone market in India is expected to grow significantly over the next few years. This is due to the country’s potential to become a leading player in the global drone industry. The manufacturing opportunities in the country are also expected to boost the country’s employment rate. The government has allocated about 5,000 crores for the development of the drone industry in the country. This will help create over 10,000 jobs in the next three years.
Indian Drone Manufacturing Industry Set-up
Civilians are currently using drones for various civilian activities. Due to the advancements in artificial intelligence, robotics, and miniaturization, the technology has allowed companies to carry out different tasks with minimal human intervention. These innovations have also supported the commercial use of drones in sectors such as agriculture, power, mining, and infrastructure. The rapid emergence and growth of the drone industry in India has been attributed to the country’s increasing number of manufacturers. There are also several start-up companies and listed players in the space.
Despite the pandemic that affected various sectors of the country, the drone industry in India is expected to grow at a CAGR of 14.5% during the next few years. The technological advancements that have occurred in the field of drone have allowed companies to reduce their operational costs and improve their efficiency. One of the main factors that has been driving the adoption of drones in India is their ability to monitor large areas in real time.
Opportunities for drone making in India
During the COVID-19 pandemic, the use of drones was instrumental in providing medical and law enforcement agencies with effective and timely response to the situation. The government’s liberalized regulations and manufacturing incentives have been designed to create a conducive environment for the development of the drone industry in India. This strategy will allow companies to expand their operations and provide effective solutions for the drone industry. Besides manufacturing components, this strategy will also allow them to develop software applications and other enterprise-focused solutions. Hundreds of startups in India are currently developing drone-related businesses that can solve various problems such as monitoring crops, inspecting power lines, and monitoring construction sites. The Ministry of Defense (MoD) has also launched a new program to encourage collaboration between drone companies and foreign firms. Through a new treaty between Israel and India, the two governments are expected to provide aid to a joint venture that will be established to develop drone technology. The country’s startup ecosystem is already developing various drone-related businesses. Once the DGCA gives its approval to the applications of drone technology for commercial use, it will allow companies to start using this new technology to deliver goods and services. Unfortunately, the current legislation regarding drone use is not yet ready to accommodate this new technology. Due to the increasing demand for drones, many startups in India started raising funds and gaining recognition. The revenue generated from the drone technology’s business-to-business applications is expected to grow significantly over the next few years
The government’s think tank, NITI Aayog, has estimated that the country’s unmanned aircraft market will grow to over $50 billion over the next 15 years. It noted that drones are expected to replace the majority of the operations carried out by manned aircraft.
India’s defense drone policy
The Indian Army is putting a lot of effort into improving its security apparatus by using state-of-the-art technologies. It is also planning on using drones for carrying out tactical and strategic operations. This will be done through the expertise of drone maker, Garuda Aerospace, based in Chennai. Through its partnership with the Indian Army, Garuda Aerospace has been able to create a significant traction in the drone industry. The company has been able to deploy multiple drones for various tactical and strategic operations.
The drones being used by the Indian Army are indigenously developed and have artificial intelligence and machine learning capabilities. In order to modify them, the company has been invited to send its technical team. This will help the army maintain its operational tempo and timeline. The Indian Army is constantly working to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of its demining operations. This dangerous task is carried out at an incredibly high cost. The Indian Army is also planning on using drones for various other tasks, such as detecting and disrupting transnational criminal organizations. These will help boost the army’s effectiveness in carrying out special missions.
In order to enhance the Indian Army’s capabilities in modern warfare, the organization has allowed acceptance of Necessity for the procurement of armed drone swarms and autonomous surveillance systems. The Indian Army and the Drone Federation of India have signed an MOU to work together on the development and manufacturing of drones. Through this collaboration, the Indian Army and DFI will be able to promote the development of niche products and technology for the Indian Army.
The MoD is currently looking into acquiring mini UAV platforms that can be equipped with thermal and electro-optic imaging capabilities to spot and monitor targets on the ground and in the air. This will help in identifying and preventing cross-border terrorist activities and unauthorized drones. The IAF has also awarded a contract to an Indian company for the production of anti-drone systems. This project complements the organization’s efforts to protect air bases in the country.
The global market for military drones is expected to grow from around $12 billion to over $31 billion in the next few years. India was one of the early participants in the drone industry. In the 1980s, the Indian Air Force modified an American drone into a desi drone. This led to the development of the country’s indigenous UAV program. The DRDO then used this as a template for developing the Lakshya target drone, which can fire beyond-visual-range missiles. While the DRDO has also started developing various short-range drones, such as the Gagan, which is equipped with a synthetic-aperture radar. The company’s next step is to develop a more advanced Long-range drone that will be able to carry out surveillance and reconnaissance operations at an altitude of up to 6,000 feet. Despite the various technological advancements that have been made in the field of defense over the years, the army is still not able to effectively counter the multiple offensive capabilities of UAVs. For instance, they can easily fool radars and jammers by launching multiple attacks at the same time.
Although the drone industry in India is still in its nascent stages, it is expected to grow significantly due to the government’s support and the rapid emergence of multiple drone manufacturing companies. This technology can be used to reduce the manufacturing costs and make it more globally competitive. The government’s indigenisation efforts are in the right direction, and are expected to help the drone industry in India flourish. This will allow the country to compete in the global market. Multiple use cases across different sectors are expected to drive the demand for drones. The rapid emergence and growth of the drone industry is expected to create numerous employment opportunities in the country. It is also expected to help boost the country’s economic growth. The government and various companies are recognizing the potential of the drone manufacturing industry. While, the objective of the new guidelines is to encourage the investment in the drone industry and the creation of new startups in India. India can become a global hub for drone technology by 2030. The implementation of the PLI scheme and the drone rules are expected to help the drone industry in India grow. According to the manufacturers of drones, the new guidelines have already resulted in a significant increase in their sales. Due to the availability of the PLI scheme, foreign companies are also considering setting up their operations in India to benefit from the country’s growing drone industry. This will allow them to create a self-sufficient manufacturing ecosystem for drones
The government’s recent initiatives have allowed the armed forces of India to explore the full potential of unmanned aircraft. These have allowed the country’s armed forces to develop new roles for them, such as providing intelligence-gathering and surveillance. The Army has also started managing the various drones that it has acquired. One of the biggest challenges that the Indian armed forces faces is the lack of indigenous combat drones, such as the US’ Reapers and the Predators. These are capable of carrying out attacks on their targets using missiles and satellites. If the country’s stealth wing flying test bed, which is the prototype of a stealth drone, is any indication, then this issue might soon be solved. Besides the existing offensive UAV platforms, the army also needs to develop a robust anti-UAV system, such as the Israeli Smash 2000 rifles. This weapon can be used to track and destroy hostile UAVs. The army’s jamming system can detect and destroy quad copters that are over three kilometers away. This is useful for troops stationed along the western border.
It can be argued that while classical inter-state wars tend to decrease in the post-Cold War era, there are many other serious threats to international peace which seem to be beyond the control of the nation-states. These include ethnic conflicts, religious militancy, terrorism, North-South conflict, and unfair economic competition. Therefore, the Future of the world is stressed to depend on whether major powers are able to overcome and cope up with these threats in a cooperative manner.
Up to the end of the Cold War, it was widely believed that ethnicity and nationalism were antiquated ideas that primarily provided solutions to issues. The Balkans as well as Central Asia, Africa, and many other regions of the globe have lately seen the resurgence of a new cycle of ethno-political movements. Conflicts for political supremacy, succession, or self-determination are often fueled by ethnicity. Over 90% of the major armed conflicts that have been documented in recent years across the globe are intra-national in nature. Intra-state disputes may first seem to be local, but because of globalization and numerous international support, they may swiftly take on an international dimension. Such disputes must be settled, or else world peace will be jeopardized.
Since the end of the Cold War, UN peacekeeping missions have changed to include a variety of peace-building initiatives. One might consider the governments of nations like Iran and Sudan as well as the Islamic groups that are active across the Middle East and beyond that often use language that is inflammatory on the basis of culture. A sense of religious militancy, often referred to as “religious fundamentalism,” is prevalent in many of these areas.
Religious extremism serves as the intellectual foundation for some of the most deadly terrorist groups in existence today. Most members of these groups firmly think that using violence openly in the name of religion is required. This idea eliminates any sense of guilt or dread, which makes killing and passing away much easier as a result. Following the conclusion of the Cold War, terrorism in particular became a significant issue.
The word “terrorism” has been used to refer to a method, a response to oppression, and a criminal offence. A terrorist’s disregard for human life is evident in the eyes of the victim of a terrorist attack. Though it is not unique to this time period, terrorism has grown to be a significant issue in the post-Cold War era.
Terrorists employ violent means to draw attention to their cause by upsetting the community, the authorities, and the wider world. The success of a terrorist attack depends less on the act itself than on how the public or the government responds to it. It is very difficult to combat terrorism since terrorists do not fight on defined front lines and do not adhere to the conventions of war.
North-South economic antagonism returned throughout the post-Cold War era. At the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in the 1970s, developing nations pushed for a New International Economic Order (NIEO). This goal originated in the 1960s neo-Marxist political economics theory. The NIEO agenda at the UN had failed by the 1980s as a result of differences in developing nation interests.
Developing Countries refused to reduce their agricultural and industry tariffs, while the G-21 rejected agricultural subsidies in developed nations. Many officials commented in Cancun thirty years later that the harsh rhetoric used by major developing nations was strikingly reminiscent of the UNCTAD experience in the 1970s. Neo-colonialism is the term used nowadays to describe the situation of developing countries’ economic dependency on multinational corporations from industrialized nations. Only a small number of nations have been able to escape the global system’s stagnant development patterns. We might anticipate a weak international order to the degree that continued conflict between the North and South is facilitated by poverty and underdevelopment. Particularly the Eurasia’s newly independent states lie at the center of power struggles.
For major countries in general, and the United States in particular, controlling the South Caucasus constitutes a key regional interest for a number of reasons. These include limiting Russian development, containing Iran, managing the region’s natural riches, ensuring the safe delivery of those resources to the world market, and acquiring bases for the “war against terrorism.”
Understanding the underlying causes of intra-state disputes and putting the right measures for putting an end to violence and promoting peace into practice are both necessary for effective management of these conflicts. By far, the international community has had some success sending peacekeeping troops into perilous domestic conflicts. Conflicts are not immediately resolved by peacekeeping troops. They are not there for that, all that they can do is controlling the situation until parties reach a settlement.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine creating global upheaval, and war, conflict, and unrest blighting all parts of the world in 2022. The UN stressed the importance of international dialogue, and announced plans for a new peace agenda.February saw a furious round of diplomacy at the UN, as it became increasingly clear that Russia was intent on invading Ukraine, a crisis which UN Secretary-General António Guterres said was testing the “entire international system”.
“We need restraint and reason. We need de-escalation now,” spelled out the UN chief, urging all sides to “refrain from actions and statements that would take this dangerous situation over the brink”. These calls were in vain, however, and the war, which Russia described as a “special military operation,” began.
The conflict took on a significance far beyond its effect on Ukraine and Russia. Global fuel and food prices soared, and the UN trade body UNCTAD identified the war as the main contributing factor to projections of a global economic downturn, in a world still reeling from the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Dark memories of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant explosion in 1986 were revived, when the Zaporizhzhia plant in southeastern Ukraine, the largest in Europe, came under Russian military control.
The UN nuclear watchdog (IAEA) warned of potentially catastrophic consequences, expressing concern at the alarming conditions of the plant, and the shelling that took place not far from the reactors. Fighting in the vicinity of a nuclear plant was, said IAEA chief Rafael Grossi in November, “playing with fire”.
An highlight of UN diplomacy this year was undoubtedly the successful implementation of the Black Sea Grain Initiative, which saw exports resume from Ukrainian ports in July, and paved the way for Russian food and fertilizer to reach global markets, helping to slow the vertiginous rise in the price of grains, cooking oils, fuel and fertilizer across the world.
The delicately balanced deal involved the establishment of a Joint Coordination Centre in the Turkish city of Istanbul, with representatives from Ukraine, Russia and Türkiye, to monitor the onloading of grain at the three ports.
Ukrainian pilot vessels guide the ships through the Black Sea, which is mined, after which they head out through the Bosphorus Strait along an agreed corridor.
Perhaps more impressive, given the lack of trust between Ukraine and Russia, and no prospect of a ceasefire in sight, is that the deal was renewed for a further 120 days in November. By then more than 11 million tonnes of essential foodstuffs had been shipped from Ukraine, and food prices began to stabilize.
UN peacekeepers in several African countries found themselves in harm’s way this year, whilst carrying out their role protecting civilians from violence.
Over the course of the year, Mali’s reputation as the world’s most dangerous posting seemed to be borne out: nearly every month saw an attack that killed or wounded peacekeepers, amid reports of civilian massacres, and a deteriorating security situation.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was riven by attacks from militant groups and intercommunal violence which displaced thousands of people. Hundreds of civilians were killed throughout the year, and peacekeepers again made the ultimate sacrifice. In one attack, in July, the UN Mission’s base in the restive North Kivu region was hit during violent demonstrations, killing three peacekeepers.
There was better news from Sudan, which began the year embroiled in political unrest, following a military coup in 2021. Protestors against the regime continued to be targeted, and the UN condemned an excessive use of force, which saw several of them killed.
By December, however, Mr. Guterres was able to hail a peace agreement between civilian and military leaders, and the UN team in Sudan announced that they would ensure a package of support during the transitional period.
In Ethiopia, which has seen fierce fighting centred on the Tigray region, efforts to defuse the conflict led to a ceasefire in March. This did not end the violence, however, or the humanitarian crisis resulting from the unrest, but a peace deal, which was finally signed in November, was described by Mr. Guterres as a “critical first step” towards ending the brutal two-year civil war.
In March, Mr. Guterres called for the international community not to fail the Syrian people, as the country entered the eleventh year of a brutal civil war, in which 307,000 civilians have died.
The year ended with signs of military escalation, and no prospect of a peace deal, but the UN Special Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, continued to meet with a host of key Syrian and international stakeholders, in pursuit of an eventual political solution to break the deadlock.
Yemen is now in the seventh year of its catastrophic conflict, which again exacted a vicious toll on its people. Hopes were raised in April, when the UN brokered a nationwide truce, the first in six years. However, the truce came to an end in October, leading to fresh uncertainty.
Hans Grundberg, the UN Special Envoy to Yemen, told the Security Council in October that he believed a peace agreement could still be achieved: “With the stakes this high, it is critical that we do not lose this opportunity. The parties need to demonstrate the leadership, compromise and flexibility required to urgently reach an agreement”.
Little progress was made in relations between Israel and Palestine, during a year in which more than 150 Palestinians and over 20 Israelis were killed in the West Bank and Israel.
UN Middle East Envoy Tor Wennesland expressed deep concern at the sharp increase in violence against civilians on both sides which, he said, undermined a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
Mr. Wennesland called on Israel to cease advancement of all settlement activities as well as the demolition of Palestinian-owned property, and to prevent possible displacement and evictions. “The deepening occupation, the increase in violence, including terrorism, and the absence of a political horizon have empowered extremists and are eroding hope among Palestinians and Israelis, alike, that a resolution of the conflict is achievable,” he warned.
It’s hard to overstate the extent to which the security situation in Haiti collapsed in 2022. Practically nowhere in the capital, Port-au-Prince, could be deemed safe, as rival gangs fought over territory, terrorizing increasingly desperate citizens, already struggling to survive a humanitarian catastrophe.
In October, the UN Special Representative in the country, Helen La Lime, welcomed the sanctions regime adopted by the Security Council, which targets gang leaders and their backers. She told the Security Council that even if a political solution could be found, it would not be sufficient to address the crisis.
Ms. La Lime indicated her support for the mobilization of a specialized military force, whilst the US Permanent Representative to the UN, Linda Thomas-Greenfield, told the Security Council in October that the US and Mexico are working on a resolution which will authorize a “non-UN international security assistance mission”, which would help in the delivery of urgently needed humanitarian aid.
There were positive signs that Colombia, which suffered decades of civil war, may be on the verge of achieving a lasting peace.
Six years on from the historic peace accord signed between the Colombian government and FARC rebels, the country was still beset by outbreaks of fighting in 2022 and, in July, the UN human rights office called on the incoming administration to tackle rising violence, particularly in rural areas.
By October, the head of the UN Verification Mission in Colombia, felt confident enough to brief the Security Council that expectations were running high for progress towards the full and final implementation of a lasting peace deal: “I am certainly confident that Colombia can demonstrate to the world, once again, that there is no better alternative to ending conflicts than through dialogue”.
Much of the focus on Afghanistan has centred on the steady erosion of women’s rights under the Taliban, the de facto rulers of the country, but security has been increasingly challenging.
The Afghan people were rocked by waves of deadly terror attacks, from blasts at schools in April, to the bombing of a mosque in August, claimed by the so-called Islamic State group, also known as Da’esh. The group also carried out attacks against the Russian and Pakistani embassies, and a hotel hosting many Chinese nationals.
The top UN official in Afghanistan, Roza Otunbayeva, announced in December that the UN is keeping dialogue open with the leaders of the Taliban, despite their differing positions. Whilst the Taliban face little to no political opposition, they are unable to satisfactorily address terrorist groups operating in the country, she reported.
The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), more commonly known as North Korea, continued to test missiles in 2022, provoking condemnation from the UN, and fears that the country was attempting to develop its nuclear weapons capability.
António Guterres declared that a long-range test in March was in violation of Security Council resolutions, and called an October launch over Japan a “reckless act”.
In a Security Council briefing in November, Rosemary Di Carlo, the head of UN Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (DPPA), said that DPRK had reportedly launched its “largest and most powerful missile, capable of reaching all of North America”.
Overall, said, Ms. Di Carlo, DPRK had launched some 60 ballistic missiles. She reiterated calls on the country to “desist from taking further provocative actions and to fully comply with its international obligations under relevant Security Council resolutions”.
The wider issue of peace is likely to figure more highly on the UN agenda in 2023, when the UN chief, António Guterres, delivers A New Agenda for Peace, to Member States.
Addressing the Security Council in December, Mr. Guterres explained that the document will articulate the Organization’s work in peace and security; set out a comprehensive approach to prevention; link peace, sustainable development, climate action, and food security; and consider how the UN adapts to cyberthreats, information warfare, and other forms of conflict.
“The challenge ahead is clear,” said Mr. Guterres “To save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, with a revitalized multilateralism that is effective, representative and inclusive”.
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